אינדקס
הרבה לפני המאפיה האיטלקית והמאפיה הרוסית ובכלל מכל ארגון פשיעה אחר
היהודים שלטו והקימו את ארגוני הפשע הגדולים שקיימים כיום.
וכל הארגוני הפשע שקיימים כיום הם רק חיקוי עלוב לארגונים הגדולים שהקימו אותם יהודים אז.
ברוסיה כל האולגירכים היו יהודים וכך גם העבריינים הכי גדולים ברוסיה שהם כולם מליארדרים בדולרים ושולטים ברוסיה .
דוד דוק הוא גזען שונא ישראל ושונא יהודים שנוהג לפברק סרטים ותוכניות דומונטריות שמבעירים את השנאה לישראל
הפעם בחר להציג את המאפיה היהודית והמאפיה הישראלית לאורך השנים.
דייוויד דיוק היה חבר בבית הנבחרים של לואיזיאנה, ולשעבר מנהיג הקו קלוקס קלאן. דיוק הוא לאומן לבן אמריקאי, נאו-נאצי, מכחיש שואה, תאורטיקן קסנופובי, פוליטיקאי ימני-קיצוני וסופר פוליטי. בשנת 2006 השתתף בועידת השואה הבינלאומית באיראן.
David Ernest Duke (born July 1, 1950) is an American white nationalist, antisemitic conspiracy theorist, Holocaust denier, politician, and former Grand Wizard of the Ku Klux Klan.[3][4]
A former one-term Republican Louisiana State Representative, he was a candidate in the Democratic presidential primaries in 1988 and the Republican presidential primaries in 1992. Duke unsuccessfully ran for the Louisiana State Senate, United States Senate, United States House of Representatives, and Governor of Louisiana. Duke is a felon, having pleaded guilty to defrauding supporters by falsely claiming to have no money and being in danger of losing his home in order to solicit emergency donations; at the time, Duke was financially secure, and used the donations for recreational gambling.[5]
Duke describes himself as a "racial realist," asserting that "all people have a basic human right to preserve their own heritage."[6] Duke also speaks against what he describes as Jewish control of the Federal Reserve Bank, the U.S. federal government and the media. Duke supports the preservation of what he considers to be Western culture and traditionalist Christian family values, Constitutionalism, abolition of the Internal Revenue Service, voluntary racial segregation, anti-communism and white separatism.[7][8][9]
David Duke was born in Tulsa, Oklahoma, to David Duke Sr. and Alice Maxine Crick. As the son of an engineer for Shell Oil Company, Duke frequently moved with his family around the world. They lived a short time in the Netherlands before settling in Louisiana. In the late 1960s, Duke met William Luther Pierce, the leader of the white nationalist and antisemitic National Alliance, who would remain a lifelong influence on him. Duke joined the KKK in 1967.[10]
In 1968, Duke enrolled at Louisiana State University (LSU) in Baton Rouge, and in 1970, he formed a white student group called the White Youth Alliance that was affiliated with the National Socialist White People's Party. The same year, to protest William Kunstler's appearance at Tulane University in New Orleans, Duke appeared at a demonstration in Nazi uniform. Picketing and holding parties on the anniversary of Hitler's birth, he became notorious on the LSU campus for wearing a Nazi uniform.[11]
Duke claims that he spent nine months in Laos, calling it a "normal tour of duty." He actually went to Laos in order to join his father, who was working there and had asked him to visit during the summer of 1971.[12] His father got him a job teaching English to Laotian military officers, from which he was dismissed after six weeks when he drew a Molotov cocktail on the blackboard.[13] He also claimed to have gone behind enemy lines 20 times at night to drop rice to anti-communist insurgents in planes flying 10 feet (3.0 m) off the ground, narrowly avoiding receiving a shrapnel wound. Two Air America pilots who were in Laos at that time said that the planes only flew during the day and that they also flew no less than 500 feet (150 m) feet from the ground. One pilot suggested that it might have been possible for Duke to have gone on a safe "milk run" once or twice but no more than that. Duke was also unable to recall the name of the airfield that he had used.[12]
Duke graduated from LSU in 1974. During that time he spent what would have been his senior year organizing the National Party.[14]
Family and personal life
While working in the White Youth Alliance, Duke met Chloê Eleanor Hardin, who was also active in the group. They remained companions throughout college and married in 1974. Hardin is the mother of Duke's two daughters, Erika and Kristin. The Dukes divorced in 1984,[15] and Chloe moved to West Palm Beach, Florida, in order to be near her parents. There, she became involved with Duke's Klan friend, Don Black, whom she later married.[16] Duke also developed a lifelong compulsion for gambling.[17]
1972 arrest in New Orleans
In January 1972, Duke was arrested in New Orleans for "inciting to riot". Several racial confrontations broke out that month in the Crescent City, including one at the Robert E. Lee Monument involving Duke, Addison Roswell Thompson—a perennial segregationist candidate for governor of Louisiana and mayor of New Orleans—and his 89-year-old friend and mentor, Rene LaCoste (not to be confused with the French tennis player René Lacoste). Thompson and LaCoste dressed in Klan robes for the occasion and placed a Confederate flag at the monument. The Black Panthers began throwing bricks at the pair, but police arrived in time to prevent serious injury.[18]
Political activities
Early campaigns
Duke first ran for the Louisiana Senate as a Democrat from a Baton Rouge district in 1975. During his campaign, he was allowed to speak on the college campuses of Vanderbilt University, Indiana University, the University of Southern California, Stanford University, and Tulane University.[19] He received 11,079 votes, one-third of those cast.[20] In October 1979, he ran as a Democrat for the 10th District Senate seat and finished second in a three-candidate race with 9,897 votes (26 percent).[21] Duke allegedly conducted a direct-mail appeal in 1987, using the identity and mailing-list of the Georgia Forsyth County Defense League without permission. League officials described it as a fundraising scam. Duke was accused by several Klan officials of stealing the organization's money. "Duke is nothing but a con artist," Jack Gregory, Duke's Florida state leader, told the Clearwater Sun after Duke allegedly refused to turn over proceeds from a series of 1979 Klan rallies to the Knights. Another Klan official under Duke, Jerry Dutton, told reporters that Duke had used Klan funds to purchase and refurbish his home in Metairie. Duke later justified the repairs by saying most of his home was used by the Klan. In 1979, after his first, abortive run for president (as a Democrat) and a series of highly publicized violent Klan incidents, Duke quietly incorporated the nonprofit National Association for the Advancement of White People (NAAWP) in an attempt to leave the baggage of the Klan behind.[22]
1988 presidential campaign
In 1988, Duke ran initially in the Democratic presidential primaries. His campaign failed to make much of an impact, with the one notable exception of winning the little-known New Hampshire Vice-Presidential primary.[23] Duke, having failed to gain much traction as a Democrat, then successfully sought the Presidential nomination of the Populist Party.[24] He appeared on the ballot for president in 11 states and was a write-in candidate in some other states, some with Trenton Stokes of Arkansas for vice president, and on other state ballots with Floyd Parker for vice president. He received just 47,047 votes, for 0.04 percent of the combined, national popular vote.[25]
1989: Successful run in special election for Louisiana House seat
In December 1988, Duke changed his political affiliation from the Democratic Party to the Republican Party.[26]
In 1988, Republican State Representative Charles Cusimano of Metairie resigned his District 81 seat to become a 24th Judicial District Court judge, and a special election was called early in 1989 to select a successor. Duke entered the race to succeed Cusimano and faced several opponents, including fellow Republicans John Spier Treen, a brother of former Governor David C. Treen; Delton Charles, a school board member; and Roger F. Villere, Jr., who operates Villere's Florist in Metairie. Duke finished first in the primary with 3,995 votes (33.1%).[27] As no one received a majority of the vote in the first round, a runoff election was required between Duke and Treen, who polled 2,277 votes (18.9%) in the first round of balloting. John Treen's candidacy was endorsed by U.S. President George H. W. Bush, former President Ronald Reagan, and other notable Republicans,[28] as well as Democrats Victor Bussie (president of the Louisiana AFL-CIO) and Edward J. Steimel (president of the Louisiana Association of Business and Industry and former director of the "good government" think tank, the Public Affairs Research Council). Duke, however, hammered Treen on a statement the latter had made indicating a willingness to entertain higher property taxes, anathema in that suburban district.[29] Duke, with 8,459 votes (50.7%) defeated Treen, who polled 8,232 votes (49.3%).[30] He served in the House from 1989 until 1992.[31]
Freshman legislator Odon Bacqué of Lafayette, a No Party member of the House, stood alone in 1989 when he attempted to deny seating to Duke on the grounds that the incoming representative had resided outside his district at the time of his election. When John Treen failed in a court challenge in regard to Duke's residency, Duke was seated. Lawmakers who opposed Duke said that they had to defer to his constituents who narrowly chose Duke as representative.[32]
Duke took his seat on the same day as Jerry Luke LeBlanc of Lafayette Parish, who won another special election held on the same day as the Duke-Treen runoff to choose a successor to Kathleen Blanco, the future governor who was elected to the Louisiana Public Service Commission. Duke and LeBlanc were sworn in separately.
Colleague Ron Gomez of Lafayette stated that Duke, as a short-term legislator, was "so single minded, he never really became involved in the nuts and bolts of House rules and parliamentary procedure. It was just that shortcoming that led to the demise of most of his attempts at lawmaking."[33]
One legislative issue pushed by Duke was the requirement that welfare recipients be tested for the use of narcotics. The recipients had to show themselves to be drug-free to receive state and federal benefits under his proposal.[34]
Gomez, a long-time journalist, recalls having met and interviewed Duke in the middle 1970s when Duke was a state senate candidate: "He was still in his mid-20s and very non-descript. Tall and slimly built, he had a very prominent nose, flat cheek bones, a slightly receding chin and straight dark brown hair. The interview turned out to be quite innocuous, and I hadn't thought about it again until Duke came to my legislative desk, and we shook hands. Who was this guy? Tall and well-built with a perfect nose, a model's cheek bones, prominent chin, blue eyes and freshly coiffed blond hair, he looked like a movie star. He obviously didn't remember from the radio encounter, and I was content to leave it at that."[35]
Consistent with Gomez's observation, Duke in the latter 1980s reportedly had his nose thinned and chin augmented. Following his election to the Louisiana House of Representatives, he shaved his mustache.[36][37][38]
Gomez, in his 2000 autobiography, wrote about Duke: "He once presented a bill on the floor, one of the few which he had managed to get out of committee. He finished his opening presentation and strolled with great self-satisfaction back up the aisle to his seat. In his mind, he had spoken, made his presentation and that was that. Before he had even reached his desk and re-focused on the proceedings, another first-term member had been recognized for the floor and immediately moved to table the bill. The House voted for the motions effectively killing the bill. That and similar procedures were used against him many times."[39] Gomez said that he recalls Duke obtaining the passage of only a single bill, legislation which prohibited movie producers or book publishers from compensating jurors for accounts of their court experiences.[40]
Gomez added that Duke's "tenure in the House was short and uninspired. Never has anyone parlayed an election by such a narrow margin to such a minor position to such international prominence. He has run for numerous other positions without success but has always had some effect, usually negative, on the outcome."[41]
Gomez continued: Duke's "new message was that he had left the Klan, shed the Nazi uniform he had proudly worn in many previous appearances, and only wanted to serve the people. He eliminated his high-octane anti-Semitic rhetoric. He was particularly concerned with the plight of 'European-Americans.' He never blatantly spoke of race as a factor but referred to the 'growing underclass.' He used the tried and true demagoguery of class envy to sell his message: excessive taxpayers' money spent on welfare, school busing practices, affirmative action... and set-aside programs. He also embraced a subject near and dear to every Jefferson Parish voter, protection of the homestead exemption."[42]
Duke launched unsuccessful campaigns for the U.S. Senate in 1990 and governor in 1991. Villere did not again seek office but instead concentrated his political activity within the Republican organization.[43]
1990 campaign for U.S. Senate
Duke has often criticized federal policies that he believes discriminate against white people in favor of racial minorities. To that end he formed the controversial group, the "National Association for the Advancement of White People", a play on the African American civil rights group, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People.[44]
Though Duke had first hesitated about entering the Senate race, he made his announcement of candidacy for the nonpartisan blanket primary held on October 6, 1990. Duke was the only Republican in competition against three Democrats, including incumbent U.S. Senator J. Bennett Johnston, Jr., of Shreveport,[45] whom Duke derided as "J. Benedict Johnston".[46]
Former Governor David Treen, whose brother, John Treen, Duke had defeated for state representative in 1989, called Duke's senatorial platform "garbage. ... I think he is bad for our party because of his espousal of Nazism and racial superiority."[47]
The Republican Party officially endorsed state Senator Ben Bagert of New Orleans in a state convention on January 13, 1990, but national GOP officials in October, just days before the primary election, concluded that Bagert could not win. To avoid a runoff between Duke and Johnston, the GOP decided to surrender the primary to Johnston. Funding for Bagert's campaign was halted, and after initial protest, Bagert dropped out two days before the election. With such a late withdrawal, Bagert's name remained on the ballot, but his votes, most of which were presumably cast as absentee ballots, were not counted.[48][49] Duke received 43.51 percent (607,391 votes) of the primary vote to Johnston's 53.93 percent (752,902 votes).[45]
Duke's views prompted some of his critics, including Republicans such as journalist Quin Hillyer, to form the Louisiana Coalition Against Racism and Nazism, which directed media attention to Duke's statements of hostility to blacks and Jews.[50]
In a 2006 editorial, Gideon Rachman (The Economist, the Financial Times) recalled interviewing Duke's 1990 campaign manager, who said, "The Jews just aren't a big issue in Louisiana. We keep telling David, stick to attacking the blacks. There's no point in going after the Jews, you just piss them off and nobody here cares about them anyway."[51]
1991 campaign for Governor of Louisiana
Main article: Louisiana gubernatorial election, 1991
Despite repudiation by the Republican Party,[52] Duke ran for governor of Louisiana in 1991. In the primary, Duke finished second to former governor Edwin W. Edwards in votes; thus, he faced Edwards in a runoff. In the initial round, Duke received 32 percent of the vote. Incumbent Governor Buddy Roemer, who had switched from the Democratic to Republican parties during his term, came in third with 27 percent of the vote. Duke effectively killed Roemer's bid for re-election. While Duke had a sizable core constituency of devoted supporters, many voted for him as a "protest vote" to register dissatisfaction with Louisiana's establishment politicians. During the campaign, Duke said he was the spokesman for the "white majority"[53] and, according to The New York Times, "equated the extermination of Jews in Nazi Germany with affirmative action programs in the United States."[54]
The Christian Coalition of America, which exerted considerable impact on the Republican State Central Committee, was led in Louisiana by its national director and vice president, Billy McCormack, then the pastor of University Worship Center in Shreveport. The coalition was accused of having failed to investigate Duke in the early part of his political resurgence. By the time of the 1991 gubernatorial election, however, its leadership had withdrawn support from Duke.[55] Despite Duke's status as the only Republican in the runoff, sitting Republican President George H.W. Bush opposed his candidacy and denounced him as charlatan and a racist.[54] White House Chief of Staff John H. Sununu stated that "The President is absolutely opposed to the kind of racist statements that have come out of David Duke now and in the past."[56]
The Louisiana Coalition against Racism and Nazism rallied against the election of Duke as governor. Beth Rickey, a moderate member of the Louisiana Republican State Central Committee and a PhD student at Tulane University, began to follow Duke to record his speeches and expose what she saw as instances of racist and neo-Nazi remarks. For a time, Duke took Rickey to lunch, introduced her to his daughters, telephoned her late at night, and tried to convince her of his worldview: the Holocaust was a myth, notorious Auschwitz physician Josef Mengele was a medical genius, and that blacks and Jews were responsible for various social ills. Rickey released transcripts of their conversations to the press and also provided evidence establishing that Duke sold Nazi literature (including Mein Kampf) from his legislative office and attended neo-Nazi political gatherings while he held elective office.[57][58]
Between the primary and the runoff, called the "general election" under Louisiana election rules (in which all candidates run on one ballot, regardless of party), white supremacist organizations from around the country contributed to Duke's campaign fund.[59][60]
Duke's rise garnered national media attention. While he gained the backing of the quixotic former Alexandria Mayor John K. Snyder, Duke won few serious endorsements in Louisiana. Celebrities and organizations donated thousands of dollars to former Governor Edwin Edwards' campaign. Referencing Edwards' long-standing problem with accusations of corruption, popular bumper stickers read: "Vote for the Crook. It's Important",[61][62] and "Vote for the Lizard, not the Wizard." When a reporter asked Edwards what he needed to do to triumph over Duke, Edwards replied with a smile: "Stay alive."
The runoff debate, held on November 6, 1991, received significant attention when journalist Norman Robinson questioned Duke. Robinson, who is African-American, told Duke that he was "scared" at the prospect of Duke winning the election because of his history of "diabolical, evil, vile" racist and antisemitic comments, some of which he read to Duke. He then pressed Duke for an apology and when Duke protested that Robinson was not being fair to him, Robinson replied that he didn't think Duke was being honest. Jason Berry of the Los Angeles Times called it "startling TV" and the "catalyst" for the "overwhelming" turnout of black voters who helped Edwards defeat Duke.[63]
Edwards received 1,057,031 votes (61.2%), while Duke's 671,009 votes represented 38.8% of the total. Duke nevertheless claimed victory, saying, "I won my constituency. I won 55% of the white vote," a statistic confirmed by exit polls.[11]
1992 Republican Party presidential candidate
Duke ran as a Republican in the 1992 presidential primaries, although Republican Party officials tried to block his participation.[64] He received 119,115 (0.94%) votes[65] in the primaries, but no delegates to the national convention. His presidential campaign inspired a song, "David Duke Is Running For President," by ska punk band Skankin' Pickle.[66]
A 1992 film, Backlash: Race and the American Dream, investigated Duke's appeal among some white voters. Backlash explored the demagogic issues of Duke's platform, examining his use of black crime, welfare, affirmative action and white supremacy and tied Duke to a legacy of other white backlash politicians, such as Lester G. Maddox and George C. Wallace, Jr., and the use in the successful 1988 presidential campaign of George H. W. Bush of these same racially themed hot buttons.[67]
1996 campaign for U.S. Senate
When Johnston announced his retirement in 1996, Duke ran again for the U.S. Senate. He polled 141,489 votes (11.5%). Former Republican state representative Woody Jenkins of Baton Rouge and Democrat Mary Landrieu of New Orleans, the former state treasurer, went into the general election contest. Duke was fourth in the nine-person, jungle primary race.[68]
1999 campaign for U.S. House
A special election was held in Louisiana's First Congressional District following the sudden resignation of powerful Republican incumbent Bob Livingston in 1999. Duke sought the seat as a Republican and received 19% of the vote. He finished a close third, thus failing to make the runoff. His candidacy was repudiated by the Republicans.[69] Republican Party chairman Jim Nicholson remarked: "There is no room in the party of Lincoln for a Klansman like David Duke."[69] Republican state representative David Vitter (now a U.S. Senator) went on to defeat former governor Treen. Also in the race was the New Orleans Republican leader Rob Couhig.[70]
Later political activity
Duke joined the Reform party in 1999 while working for Pat Buchanan's 2000 presidential campaign. Because of the direction of Duke and Buchanan's political views it drove Donald Trump to drop out of the election.[2] Duke and Buchanan would both leave the party after the election. It is ambiguous what party Duke is in now. In 2004, Duke's bodyguard, roommate, and longtime associate Roy Armstrong made a bid for the United States House of Representatives, running as a Democrat, to serve Louisiana's First Congressional District. In the open primary, Armstrong finished second in the six candidate field with 6.69% of the vote, but Republican Bobby Jindal received 78.40% winning the seat.[71] Duke was the head advisor of Armstrong's campaign.[72][73]
Duke claimed that thousands of Tea Party movement activists had urged him to run for president in 2012,[74][75] and that he was seriously considering entering the Republican Party primaries.[75] However, Duke ultimately did not contest the primaries won by Mitt Romney, who lost in the presidential election to incumbent Barack Obama.[76]
In 2015, it was reported in the media that Duke endorsed 2016 presidential nominee Donald Trump for president.[77][78] Duke responded on his personal website, saying he had not actually endorsed Trump.[79][80] He later clarified that while he viewed Trump as "the best of the lot", due to his stance on immigration, Trump's support for Israel was a dealbreaker for him. Duke claimed that "Trump has made it very clear that he's 1,000 percent dedicated to Israel, so how much is left over for America?"[81] In December 2015, Duke said Donald Trump speaks more radically than he does, advising that Trump's radical speech is both a positive and a negative.[82][83] In February 2016, Duke urged his listeners to vote Trump saying that voting for anyone besides Donald Trump “is really treason to your heritage.”[84] In 2016, someone claiming to be David Duke filed a lawsuit in a federal court attempting to bar Trump from the Florida presidential primary. The real Duke referred to the hoax as "the biggest, dirtiest trick I've seen recently".[85]
Affiliations
Knights of the Ku Klux Klan
In 1974, Duke founded the Louisiana-based Knights of the Ku Klux Klan (KKKK), shortly after graduating from LSU.[86] He became Grand Wizard of the KKKK. A follower of Duke, Thomas Robb, changed the title of Grand Wizard to National Director, and replaced the Klan's white robes with business suits.[87] Duke first received broad public attention during this time, as he endeavored to market himself in the mid-1970s as a new brand of Klansman: well-groomed, engaged, and professional. Duke also reformed the organization, promoting nonviolence and legality, and, for the first time in the Klan's history, women were accepted as equal members and Catholics were encouraged to apply for membership.[88] Duke would repeatedly insist that the Klan was "not anti-black", but rather "pro-white" and "pro-Christian." Duke told The Daily Telegraph he left the Klan in 1980 because he disliked its associations with violence and could not stop the members of other Klan chapters from doing "stupid or violent things."[89]
NAAWP
In 1980, Duke left the Klan and formed the National Association for the Advancement of White People (NAAWP), a white nationalist organization.[90]
Ernst Zündel and the Zundelsite
Duke has expressed his support for Holocaust denier Ernst Zündel, a German emigrant in Canada. Duke made a number of statements supporting Zündel and his Holocaust denial campaign.[91][92][93][94] After the aging Zündel was deported from Canada to Germany[95] and imprisoned in Germany on charges of inciting the masses to ethnic hatred,[96] Duke referred to him as a "political prisoner".
2005 doctorate
In September 2005, Duke received a PhD degree in history[97] from the Ukrainian private university Interregional Academy of Personnel Management (MAUP), an institution that has been described by the Anti-Defamation League as a "University of Hate".[98] Duke's doctoral thesis was titled "Zionism as a Form of Ethnic Supremacism".[97] However, the PhD program of MAUP was not accredited by the Higher Attestation Commission of Ukraine and is not accredited by this state body's successor, the Ministry of Education and Science of Ukraine,[99] so the PhD diplomas issued by MAUP are not recognized by the Ukrainian state power as academic degrees.
The Anti-Defamation League claims that MAUP is the main source of antisemitic activity and publishing in Ukraine,[100] and its "anti-Semitic actions" were "strongly condemned" by Foreign Minister Borys Tarasyuk and various organizations.[101][102][103][104]
Duke has taught a course on international relations and a history course at MAUP.[105] On his website, Duke now refers to himself as "Dr. David Duke PhD." and "Dr. Duke."
Stormfront
In 1995, Don Black and Chloê Hardin, Duke's ex-wife, began a bulletin board system (BBS) called Stormfront. Today, Stormfront has become a prominent online forum for white nationalism, white separatism, holocaust denial, Neo-Nazism, hate speech and racism.[106][107][108] Duke is an active user on Stormfront, where he posts articles from his own website and polls forum members for opinions and questions, in particular during his Internet broadcasts. Duke has worked with Don Black on numerous projects including Operation Red Dog in 1980.[109][110]
British National Party
In 2000, Nick Griffin (then leader of the British National Party in the United Kingdom) met with Duke at a seminar with the American Friends of the British National Party.[111] This meeting, as well as a quote from Griffin where he said:
instead of talking about racial purity, we talk about identity … that means basically to use the saleable words, as I say, freedom, security, identity, democracy. Nobody can criticise them. Nobody can come at you and attack you on those ideas. They are saleable.
— Nick Griffin[112][113][114]
This was widely reported in the media of the United Kingdom, as well as the meeting between Duke and Griffin, following electoral successes made by the party in 2009.[112][113][114]
New Orleans Protocol
Duke organized a weekend gathering of "European Nationalists", in the vein of white nationalism, in Kenner, Louisiana. In an attempt to overcome the splintering and division in the white nationalist movement that had followed the death of leader William Pierce in 2002, Duke presented a unity proposal for peace within the movement and a better image amongst outsiders. His proposal was accepted and is now known as the New Orleans Protocol (NOP). It pledges adherents to a pan-European outlook, recognizing national and ethnic allegiance, but stressing the value of all European peoples. Signed by and sponsored by a number of white supremacist leaders and organizations, it has three provisions:[115][116]
"Zero tolerance for violence."
"Honorable and ethical behavior in relations with other signatory groups. This includes not denouncing others who have signed this protocol. In other words, no enemies on the right."
"Maintaining a high tone in our arguments and public presentations."
Those who signed the pact on May 29, 2004, include Duke, Don Black, Paul Fromm, Willis Carto (whose Holocaust-denying Barnes Review helped sponsor the event), Kevin Alfred Strom, and John Tyndall (signing as an individual, not on behalf of his British National Party).[115]
The SPLC noted that the "high tone" of the NOP contrasted with statements at the event where the pact was signed, such as Paul Fromm calling a Muslim woman "a hag in a bag" and Sam Dickson (from the Council of Conservative Citizens, another sponsor) speaking about the "very, very destructive" effect of opposing the Nazis in World War II – opposition that caused people to view Hitler's "normal, healthy racial values" as evil.[115] The SPLC described the NOP as a "smokescreen", saying that "most of the conference participants' ire was directed at what they consider to be a worldwide Jewish conspiracy to destroy the white race through immigration and miscegenation".[117]
Publications
Finders-Keepers
To raise money in 1976, Duke (using the double pseudonym "Dorothy Vanderbilt" and "James Konrad") wrote a self-help book for women, Finders-Keepers: Finding and Keeping the Man You Want, which contains sexual, diet, fashion, cosmetic and relationship advice, and was published by the now defunct Arlington Place Books. Tulane University history professor Lawrence N. Powell, who read a rare copy of the book given to him by journalist Patsy Sims, wrote that it includes advice on vaginal exercises, fellatio, and anal sex.[118][119][120] The book is out of print and difficult to find; however, according to journalist Tyler Bridges, The Times-Picayune obtained a copy and traced its proceeds to Duke,[121] who compiled the content from women's self-help magazines.[11]
My Awakening
In 1998, Duke published the autobiographical My Awakening: A Path to Racial Understanding. The book details Duke's social philosophies, particularly his reasoning behind racial separation. In the book, Duke writes:
We [Whites] desire to live in our own neighborhoods, go to our own schools, work in our own cities and towns, and ultimately live as one extended family in our own nation. We shall end the racial genocide of integration. We shall work for the eventual establishment of a separate homeland for African Americans, so each race will be free to pursue its own destiny without racial conflicts and ill will.[7]
The Anti-Defamation League book review refers to it as containing racist, antisemitic, sexist and homophobic views.[122]
To raise the money to re-publish a new, updated edition of My Awakening, Duke instigated a 21-day fundraising drive on November 26, 2007, stating he had to raise "$25,344 by a December 17 deadline for the printers."[123] Duke states the drive was necessary because the work "has become the most important book in the entire world in the effort to awaken our people for our heritage and freedom."
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